Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

Asymmetry is a key concept of regulation. Indeed, a competitive market works well when operators are in symmetrical relationships, ie there is no structural obstacle which prevents an agent from increasing his power solely on his merits (" competition by merits "). If there is an asymmetry, for example because a sector is monopolistic and the legislator has just declared it open to competition, there is a temporary asymmetry between the installed companies, the incumbent operators and the willing companies to enter this new market, the "new entrants". Historical operators, such as in the telecommunications or energy sector, when they were opened to competition by European directives, transposed by national laws (in french Law in 1996 for telecommunications and gas, in 2000 for electricity), benefit (sometimes referred to as grandfather clause), in particular because they have all the clients or all the know-how or all the patents, and that, in fact, the competitors can not enter the market. It is then necessary to establish a regulator also a priori temporary itself  to establish to forceps the competition, by an asymmetrical regulation.
 
Asymmetric regulation, particularly applied in Great Britain at the time of the liberalization of the aforementioned sectors, means that the regulator will systematically favor new entrants, for example by dispossessing the incumbents for their benefit to make them on the market. Today, in the telecommunications sector, competition, notably on mobiles, is established, but the regulator does not intend to leave its place to disappear and today supports "symmetric regulation" .... Instead, it acts as a specialized competition authority.
 
Asymmetry may not be temporary but definitive, when inequality between operators, regardless of merit, does not come from a context of liberalization but from a structural failure of the market. For example, there are transport networks, transport of passengers or goods, railways or airstrip for airplanes, data or voice communication networks, pipes where gas or electricity circulate, etc., which belong to a single operator because they constitute economically natural monopolies. Under these conditions, the competitors of the monopoly must nevertheless have fair and effective access to this service and a regulator must necessarily be established for the effectiveness of that right (see Access).
 
Moreover, the Nobel Prize of Joseph Stiglitz (2001) was justified by his work on the asymmetry of information on certain markets, in particular the financial markets on which companies offer securities. Through the theory of the agency, it appears that the ordinary partners or ordinary investors have less information than the managers, even though the latter have the function of making decisions that bring the most to the former. But information asymmetry offers managers an "information rent" that allows them to offer many benefits and transfer risks to others. Regulators, in particular banking and financial regulators, are needed to combat information asymmetry. Transparency is one of the procedural means to combat this asymmetry. The financial and banking crisis of 2008 showed the extent of this asymmetry and, in fact, the inability of regulators to remedy it, for example, the British government estimated in 2010 that it was the financial regulator itself that was responsible for the crisis for not having sufficiently watched over conflicts of interest. In general, the global financial crisis was often later characterized as a crisis of regulators and regulation.
 
 

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

Rating agencies are private companies that assess the risk of defaulting payment by debtors. As such, the rating of a borrower affects the value of the debt security it issued and that is to circulate in the markets. That is why the activity of credit rating agencies is critical to the security of financial instruments and the functioning of financial markets, but also to the whole global credit system. For instance, an AAA rating guarantees security to investors. Rating agencies helps building trust in financial markets and in the banking system. Henceforth, since everyone relies on them as they save people's time from seeking on their own information on securities or on those who issue them on the marks, international rating agencies have become crucial operators.

'Rating' has also become a business, which is now concentrated within the hands of three undertakings (two American and one French). It has often been said that these three are conflicted. Some have indeed brought up the fact as they have provided the markets with unreliable information (especially about subprime and securitization) prevented them to self-discipline, which eventually participated in the global spread of risks and defaults.

The difficult history between the rating agencies, whether they are considered as mere businesses, crucial operators or as companies undertaking a public service, which eventually led to implement a specific Regulation in the immediate aftermath of the financial crisis, shows how the information is a public common. This justifies the intervention of the Financial Regulator, namely to better protect the consumer. Should we go further on? Some have mentioned the idea of ​​nationalizing the business and hand it over to Government institutions (or at least public ones). This is, however, no longer on the agenda, as many conflicts of interests may arise since rating agencies keep on rating the paradoxical debtors that States are.

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

Banks are regulated because they do not engage in an ordinary economic activity, as their are likely to create systemic risk. In the real economy indeed, banks play the role of providing credit to entrepreneurs who operate on the markets for goods and services. These credits are mainly financed through deposits made by depositors and, to a lesser extent, by shareholders (i.e., capitalists). That is how liberalism and capitalism are bound up. However, banks also have the power to create money by the book entries they make when they grant loans ('book money'). As such, the banks share with the State this extraordinary power to exercise monetary authority, which some describe as sovereign power. It is possible that the digital eventually calls this power into question, since the Regulation currently hesitates to seize control over new instruments that are called "virtual currency" and that are used as proper "currency" or as an ordinary instrument for cooperative relation.

Banks' prominent sovereign character justifies, first and foremost, that the State is granted the power to choose the institutions which benefit from the privilege of creating book money- in this regard, the banking industry has always been a monopoly. Hence, Banking Regulation is first an ex ante control to enter the profession, and also a careful monitor of the people and institutions that claim they are in.

In addition, banks and credit institutions lend more money than their own funds can allow: the whole banking system is necessarily based on the trust that each creditors place within the bank, including depositaries who leave their funds at the banks' disposal for it to use them. That is where Bank Regulation intervenes to establish what is called 'prudential ratios', i.e., ratios that ensure the soundness of the institution by determining the amount of money that banks can lend based on the equity and quasi-equity they actually have.

Moreover, banks are constantly monitored by their supervisory Regulator, the Central Bank (in France, the Banque de France) that ensures the safety of the whole system by setting the State as the lender of last resort. This can, however, incentivize a large financial institution to take excessive risks based on its reliance on the fact that the State will save it eventually- that is what the 'moral hazard' theory systematized. All monetary and financial systems are built on these central banks that are independent from governments, which are far too reliant on political strategies and which cannot generate the same trust that a Central Bank inspires. Since the missions of central banks have increased over the years, and since the notions of Regulation and Supervision have come together, we tend to consider that Central Banks are now fully fledged Regulators.

Besides, Banking Regulation has become all the more central since banking is no longer primarily about loaning but rather about financial intermediation.  Banking Regulation and Financial Regulation are mixing. In Europe , European Central Bank is in the center.

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

L’Autorité de Régulation des Communication Electroniques et de la Poste (ARCEP) est une Autorité Administrative Indépendante (AAI). Elle a succédé en 2005 à l’Autorité de Régulation des Télécommunications (ART), laquelle fut créée en 1996. L’ART fût la première autorité de régulation du genre, inaugurée sous l’impulsion du la vague de libéralisation des secteurs naguère en monopole .

L’ARCEP a une compétence plus vaste de celle de l’ART, régulant également les activités postales et a pour office de favoriser l’exercice d’une « concurrence effective et loyale au bénéfice des utilisateurs », ce qui la rapproche singulièrement de l’office général de l’Autorité de Concurrence. Ce régulateur doit encore tenir compte de l’ « intérêt des territoires » et de l’accès des utilisateurs aux services et aux équipements. L’ARCEP a compétence pour réguler ce qui transporte les informations (contenant) tandis que le a compétence pour réguler les informations transportées (contenu). Cette distinction contenant/contenu fonde donc la dualité des régulateurs. Mais en premier lieu elle est fragile et peu utilisée à l’étranger, d’autres pays préférant avoir un seul régulateur pour le contenant et pour le contenu, dans la mesure où les informations peuvent passer par divers contenants (par ex. télévision ou le téléphone). En second lieu Internet rend difficile le maniement de cette distinction. C’est pourquoi on évoque parfois l’hypothèse de fusion des deux autorités de régulation.

L’ARCEP surveille les marchés de gros, dans lesquels les opérateurs doivent se comporter d’une façon transparente, non discriminatoire et publier une offre de référence. Il les prix et oblige à une orientation du tarif vers le coût, favorisant en aval c'est-à-dire (marché du détail) le dynamisme concurrentiel. Sur celui-ci, le régulateur veille à de transport et au réseau de distribution jusqu’au final (problématique de la . L’ARCEP a le pouvoir d’attribuer les fréquences aux opérateurs, lesquelles sont des et dont l’attribution peut être retirée à l’opérateur en cas de . Mais au-delà de ces dimensions très techniques, le régulateur exerce une fonction parce qu’il projette dans le une certaine conception qu’il a du secteur. Ainsi il peut estimer ou non que la fibre optique doit être ou non favorisée et contraindre les opérateurs en ce sens. De la même façon, il peut adhérer à la théorie de la « » au nom de laquelle il va imposer aux propriétaires d’un réseau de l’ouvrir à des utilisateurs, même au prix d’investissements pour les accueillir, le régulateur fixant alors l’indemnisation d’un tel . L’adhésion à cette théorie, très discutée, n’est pas de nature technique mais politique.

L’ARCEP dispose du pouvoir précité de retirer des fréquences aux opérateurs ne remplissant pas leurs obligations et peut prendre des mesures conservatoires. Celles-ci peuvent être attaquées devant la Cour d’appel de Paris. L’autorité exerce un pouvoir deet d’un pouvoir de . L’ARCEP publie un rapport annuel, façon pour l’Autorité de , ce mode de étant mis en balance avec son .

 

Comme en 1996 pour les télécommunications, à partir de 2005 le régulateur a ouvert à la les activités , tout en veillant à la poursuite du postal. La Loi du 9 février 2010, tout en transformant la Poste en société anonyme a veillé à maintenir ses obligations de service public et les a même étendues en lui confiant des obligations d’aménagement du , montrant avec la régulation . Par ce contrôle, le régulateur exerce un pouvoir plus que technique.

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

In principle, the very mechanism of the market is governed by freedom, the freedoms of the agents themselves - the freedom to undertake and contract - and the competitive freedom that marks the market itself, the convergence of these freedoms allowing the self-regulated functioning of The "market law", namely the massive encounter of offers and demands that generates the right price ("fair price").

For this to work, it is necessary but it is enough that there is no barrier to entry the market and there is no behavior by which operators can hinder this competitive market law, by abuse of dominant position and cartel.
 

But in the case of financial markets, which are regulated markets, "market abuses" are sanctioned at the very heart of regulation. Indeed, the regulation of the financial markets presupposes that the information is distributed there for the benefit of investors, or even other stakeholders, possibly information not exclusively financial. This integrity of the financial markets which, beyond the integrity of information, must achieve transparency, justifies that information is fully and equally shared. That is why those who hold or must hold information that is not shared by others (privileged information) must not use it in the market until they have made it public. Similarly, they should not send bad information to the market. Neither should they manipulate stock market prices.

These sanctions were essentially conceived by the American financial theory, concretized by the American courts, then taken back in Europe. To the extent that they sanction both reproachable behavior and constitute a public policy instrument of direction and protection of markets, the question of cumulation of criminal law and administrative repressive law can only be posed with difficulty in Europe.

 

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

Competition is the law of the market. It allows the emergence of the exact price, which is often referred to as "fair price". It means and requires that agents on the market are both mobile, that is to say free to exercise their will, and atomized, that is to say, not grouped together. This is true for those who offer a good or service, the offerers, as well as for those seeking to acquire them, the applicants: the bidders seek to attract the applicants so that they buy them the goods and services that they propose.  Bidders are in competition with each other.

In the competitive market, buyers are indulging in their natural infidelity: even if they have previously bought a product from an A supplier, they will be able to turn away from him in favor of a B supplier if the latter offers them a product more attractive in terms of quality or price. Price is the main signal and information provided by the suppliers on the market to excite this competitive mobility of the offerers. Thus, free competition accelerates market liquidity, the circulation of goods and services, raises the quality of products and services and lowers prices. It is therefore a moral and virtuous system, as Adam Smith wanted, a system which is the fruits of individual vices. That is why everything that will inject "viscosity" into the system will be countered by Competition Law as "non-virtuous": not only frontal coordination on prices but for example, exclusivity clauses, agreements by which companies delay their entry on the market or intellectual property rights which confer on the patentee a monopoly.

Admittedly, Competition Law can not be reduced to a presentation of such simplicity, since it admits economic organizations which deviate from this basic model, for example distribution networks or patent mechanisms on which, inter alia, is built the pharmaceutical sector. But the impact is probative: in the sphere of Competition Law, if one is in a pattern that is not part of the fundamental figure of the free confrontation of supply and demand, he has to demonstrate the legitimacy and efficiency of its organization, which is a heavy burden on the firm or the State concerned.

Thus, in the field of Regulation, if regulatory mechanis were to be regarded as an exception to competition, an exception admitted by the competition authorities, but which should be constantly demonstrated before them by its legitimacy and effectiveness in the light of the "competitive order", then public organizations and operators in regulated sectors would always face a heavy burden of proof. This is what the competition authorities consider.

But if we consider that regulated sectors have a completely different logic from competitive logic, both from an economic and a legal point of view, the Law of Regulation refers in particular to the notion of public service and having its own institutions, which are the regulatory authorities, then certain behaviors, in particular monopolies, are not illegitimate in themselves and do not have to justify themselves in relation to the competitive model, for they are not the exception ( Such as the public education or health service).

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

On the one hand, repression is the prerogative of the State which expresses it through the Criminal Law. Even though the administration has always exercised a power of sanction, the constitution of a kind of new branch of law, the "Repressive Administrative Law" was born from the regulatory Law.

Indeed, it was necessary that the Economic and Financial Regulatory Authorities should be established so that the idea of ​​an administrative police, whose deployment must be effective, implies a continuum between the Ex Ante and the Ex Post, this Ex Post taking the first form of repression (next to the fonction of the  dispute resolution).

The repression exercised by the Regulator, which itself has the institutional form of an Independent Administrative Authority (IAA), is expressed by Repressive Administrative Law. This Repressive Administrative Law is of a different conception of Criminal Law since it aims to reinforce the effectiveness of the Regulation of the sectors. Therefore, the French Constitutional Council (Conseil constitutionnel) was able to state in 1981 that criminal and administrative penalties were not like "in nature", the first aiming at punishing wrongdoing while the latter were aimed at yo regulate economic systems, except to respect the principle of proportionality. But this Constitutional Council in 2015 conceived rather the identity of the two repression and concluded the prohibition of punishing twice the same operator for the same fact (Non bis in idem). The two rules bodies are therefore mirrored.

The administrative power of sanction is essential for a regulator, ensures the effectiveness of the prescriptions it issues and the legislator keeps increasing this power. At the same time, it has become possible for operatoirs in recent years to agree on commitments and to avoid sanctions. This mechanism of "administrative composition" is not contradictory because, as the repression, which it arrests nevertheless, it ensures the effectiveness of the Regulation.

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

A Central Bank is for the Law a rather mysterious object.

Despite what some competition authorities have said, it is not an ordinary bank. It is at the root of monetary creation and its primary mission is to fight against inflation, contributing more or less directly and in a more or less independent way according to political and legal systems to the economic policy pursued by governments.

Thus, while central banks all have constitutional status which guarantees autonomy, they have a more limited mission in Europe than in the United States. This is even more evident since monetary cre - ation has been transferred to the European Central Bank (ECB), which makes it even more necessary to interpret what the Central Bank can do, Reminded the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in 2015 of the ECB's non-conventional monetary policy programs.

The central bankers either directly by a department or indirectly by an independent administrative authority (IAA) backed by them and who, although independent, have no legal personality with regard to them ( for example in the French system concerning the " Autorité de contrôle prudentiel et de resolution - ACPR) exercises regulatory and supervisory powers over the banking and insurance sectors.

As such, they are regulators. When en Europe the power to create money has been taken away from them, passing from the Member States to the European Central Bank (ECB)  through the Euro Zone, it is this regulatory and supervisory power which remains their own, their mission being only to participate in the European collective mechanism.


But for exercising its regulatory and supervisory role, the central bankers have considerable powers, including approval, sanction and, since 2013 and 2014, resolution. But in this respect it must be considered that, in particular with regard to the European Convention on Human Rights, central bankers are like courts and in the exercise of numerous powers, procedural guarantees must be conferred on operators who are the object of those powers.

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

The expression is always left in the English language even when it is used in other languages because it is not translatable. It refers to the basic institutional and political mechanism of the American system. Regulatory theorists and practitioners often refer to it as the right political and institutional framework on which to base an economic organization of Regulation. This would mean a need to reform the political systems built on another mode of separation of powers.

This strong basis conforts the fact that the system of Regulation is not neutral, it is the reflection of a political organization.

The shock between these different philosophical and political conceptions explains why economic regulation has been difficult to accept in Europe, and especially in France for a long time. Indeed, according to the French political scheme resulting from the Revolution, there are two powers: the executive and the legislative, the judiciary being only an authority. The executive is built on the hierarchical principle of which the head is constituted by the government, any administration ultimately coming from a minister. It is therefore a vertical system, which has the merit of simplicity. Regulatory authorities have been imposed by European directives since the 1990s, in the form of bodies which may be administrative and Under this title of the State but must be necessarily independent of the government from the moment that operated on the market of the public enterprises which also obeyed the government through the theory of the state shareholder.

 

Le choc entre les deux conceptions philosophiques et politiques  explique que la régulation économique ait eu du mal à être acceptée en France pendant une longue période. En effet, selon le schéma politique français issu de la Révolution, il existe deux pouvoirs : l’exécutif et le législatif, le judiciaire n’étant qu’une autorité. L’exécutif est construit sur le principe hiérarchique dont la tête est constituée par le gouvernement, toute administration relevant finalement d’un ministre. Il s’agit donc d’un système vertical, qui a pour lui le mérite de la simplicité.Les autorités de régulation ont été imposées par des directives européennes à partir des années 90, sous la forme d’organes pouvant être de nature administrative et relevant à ce titre de l’État mais devant être nécessairement indépendants du gouvernement dès l’instant qu’opéraient sur le marché des entreprises publiques qui elles aussi obéissaient au gouvernement à travers la théorie de l’État-actionnaire.


This is the fundamental European rule of the impossibility of cumulation of the regulatory / operator state, a situation constituting a conflict of interests. The French State, which intends to remain owner of public operators, in particular EDF, has preferred to relax control of regulation by creating independent administrative authorities (AAI).

Consequently, the vertical model of the hierarchy of the executive has been disrupted since these authorities no longer report (as free electrons) of it. For them to be held accountable, judicial review of the authorities through appeals has been increased. In the same way, through public reports to Parliament, the IAAs began reporting directly to the IAA. The political model becomes horizontal.


This then refers to a completely different tradition: that of the United States. Indeed, in the United States, the executive (the White House) has both the Parliament (the Congress) and a very powerful judiciary (the Supreme Court); No one has taken over the others, each however being able to hold the others accountable. This is called Check and Balance. Not least because the Regulation has been institutionalized by economists who, through the current Law and Economics, have perceived what they consider to be the most appropriate right as American law, which must impose itself almost "by nature".

Thus, through this small corner in the door that is the institutional reform introduced by regulation, the French political system evolves towards this American system of check and balance, being observed that the United States were the first historically to put in Regulators. This rapprochement of the systems can be carried out all the more so as in Europe the organs in charge of the control of the constitutionality control do not stop increasing in power. Thus, in France, since the constitutional reform of 23 July 2008, the Constitutional Council can assess the constitutionality of laws not only before their promulgation but even when they have entered the legal order, It is becoming a "Supreme Court" on the American model.

The political models remain very different, in particular because the French Parliament does not have the same blocking power as the US Congress, and the Constitutional Council does not have the same doctrinal power as the US Supreme Court. Leaves France in the place of a presidential system virtually without balance, face to face Regulators and the system of the European Union, Europe more and more a Europe of Regulation.

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

L’Autorité de régulation des Communication Électroniques et des Postes (ARCEP) est une autorité administrative indépendante (AAI). Elle a succédé en 2005 à l’Autorité de Régulation des Télécommunications (ART), laquelle fut créée en 1996. L’ART fût la première autorité de régulation du genre, inaugurant sous l’impulsion du droit de l’Union européenne la vague de libéralisation des secteurs naguère monopolistiques. L’ARCEP a une compétence plus vaste de celle de l’ART, régulant également les activités postales et a pour office de favoriser l’exercice d’une « concurrence effective et loyale au bénéfice des utilisateurs », ce qui la rapproche singulièrement de l’office général de l’Autorité de Concurrence. Ce régulateur doit encore tenir compte de l’ « intérêt des territoires » et de l’accès des utilisateurs aux services et aux équipements.

L’ARCEP a compétence pour réguler ce qui transporte les informations (contenant) tandis que le Conseil Supérieur de l’Audiovisuel (CSA) a compétence pour réguler les informations transportées (contenu). Cette distinction contenant/contenu fonde donc la dualité des régulateurs. Mais en premier lieu elle est fragile et peu utilisée à l’étranger, d’autres pays préférant avoir un seul régulateur pour le contenant et pour le contenu, dans la mesure où les informations peuvent passer par divers contenants (par ex. télévision ou le téléphone) comme aux Etats-Unis (Federal Communication Commission - FCC). En second lieu Internet rend difficile le maniement de cette distinction. C’est pourquoi on évoque parfois l’hypothèse de fusion des deux autorités françaises de régulation.

L’ARCEP surveille les marchés de gros, dans lesquels les opérateurs doivent se comporter d’une façon non discriminatoire et publier une offre de référence. Il contrôle les prix et oblige à une orientation du tarif vers le coût, favorisant en aval c'est-à-dire (marché du détail) le dynamisme concurrentiel. Sur celui-ci, le régulateur veille à l’accès au réseau de transport et au réseau de distribution jusqu’au consommateur final (problématique de la boucle locale). L’ARCEP a le pouvoir d’attribuer les fréquences aux opérateurs, lesquelles sont des ressources rares, dont l’attribution peut être retirée à l’opérateur en cas de manquement. Mais au-delà de ces dimensions très techniques, le régulateur exerce une fonction politique parce qu’il projette dans le futur une certaine conception qu’il a du secteur. Ainsi il peut estimer ou non que la fibre optique doit être ou non favorisée et contraindre les opérateurs en ce sens. De la même façon, il peut adhérer à la théorie de la « neutralité du net » au nom de laquelle il va imposer aux propriétaires d’un réseau de l’ouvrir à des utilisateurs, même au prix d’investissements pour les accueillir, le régulateur fixant alors l’indemnisation d’un tel droit d’accès. L’adhésion à cette théorie, très discutée, n’est pas de nature technique mais politique.

L’ARCEP dispose du pouvoir précité de retirer des fréquences aux opérateurs ne remplissant pas leurs obligations et peut prendre des mesures conservatoires. Celles-ci peuvent être attaquées devant la Cour d’appel de Paris. L’autorité exerce un pouvoir de règlement des différends et d’un pouvoir de sanction. L’ARCEP publie un rapport annuel, façon pour l’Autorité de rendre des comptes, ce mode de responsabilité étant mis en balance avec son indépendance.

Comme en 1996 pour les télécommunications, à partir de 2005 le régulateur a ouvert à la concurrence les activités postales, tout en veillant à la poursuite du service public postal. La Loi du 9 février 2010, tout en transformant la Poste en société anonyme a veillé à maintenir ses obligations de service public et les a même étendues en lui confiant des obligations d’aménagement du territoire, montrant l’interrégulation avec la régulation environnementale. Par ce contrôle, le régulateur exerce un pouvoir plus politique que technique.

 

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

In classical law, efficiency is a quality but it is not the only one and it does not sum up Law. Indeed, if we define effectiveness as the quality of a person or a thing, material or immaterial (such as a law or a judgment, for example) to produce the effect one is looking for, then it is better for the Law to be effective rather than not. Beyond this truism, Law, being a practical art, is particularly sensitive to this quality.

But Law is not reduced to that. It expresses values, virtues, symbols, social rules. It institutes human beings as persons. It wants to make these rules effective, but on the one hand it balances this concern with others and, on the other hand, it seeks to express the very nature of what it poses, for example the attribution of prerogatives, of rights for the benefit of a particular person, if necessary in a costly and ineffective manner (eg social rights or procedural guarantees).

Regulatory theories, often based on the economic analysis of law, consider law as a "tool", an instrument that must be the most flexible, the simplest and the most secure Possible to achieve a goal that economic theory draws: for example, effectively building competition or preventing banking crises.

The concern for the goal becomes the first, it becomes the center: efficiency becomes the center of Law, while the latter becomes teleological. Law is reduced to being an instrument. This instrumental conception, which can be supported but which does not correspond to the classical conception of Law because it breaks its conceptual autonomy, permeates the regulatory law, in particular because it was thought by economists more than by of lawyers.

The transformation is particularly strong in matter of repression. The legal system has traditionally constituted criminal law as an autonomous branch. The regulatory repressive rules today tend to be used to increase the effectiveness of the ordinary regulatory rules, whether they are themselves corporate law (governance), civil law or public law. In this, repressive punishment is only intended to render effective a rule which is external to it. This primary concern for efficiency removes the guarantees and increases repression, which is now at the heart of the regulatory systems, which, to be effective, cease to be national, while criminal law is synonymous with the state and the regalian.

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

Compliance is a concept born mainly in the United States and it is difficult to translate it, for instance into French, as the term "conformité" is not entirely adequate. Compliance is not only the obligation of certain professionals, such as investment service providers (ISPs) to comply with their professional obligations, nor does it extend to the general obligation to comply to all laws and regulations, this obligation to submit to the Law targeting all persons and characterizing the very power of Law.

Compliance is rather the internalization in some companies of specific obligations, resulting from regulatory systems. Thus compliance consists in internalizing the regulatory systems themselves in operators. In order to ensure the effectiveness of this internalization, the companies in question become transparent, the Regulator, or even the criminal judge, who can permanently and in Ex Ante check the proper functioning of the company for the implementation of the rules. The supervision of the company thus allows the effectiveness of the internalization of regulation in the company.

The company is then forced, including by criminal law, to use its power to achieve goals that are a priori external to it, such as the fight against money laundering, the fight against international terrorism and even the protection of human rights. The State thus enacts the aims and the enterprise implements them, the State having the legitimacy to do so but being too weak, in particular because it is enclosed within its borders, the enterprise having the power to do so.

This implies that compliance refers only to a very specific and legally new category of companies: companies with an international activity and having the power to structure themselves to achieve their goals. Law constructs a companie duty to structure itself in this sense: compliance is inseparable from governance.

But these companies thus newly constrained by the consideration by the Law of the globalization do not remain passive. They are actively involved in the normative creation of compliance and, in particular, through ethical charters and codes of conduct, demand the issuance of standards of behavior for all persons who depend on them, both internally and externally, A new culture of compliance, in which respect for meaning is essential and goes beyond the technical differences between legal systems. The emergence of a Global Law can take this path.

 

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

L'Autorité des Marchés Financiers (AMF) est le régulateur français des marchés financiers. Il est en charge de veiller au bon fonctionnement de ceux-ci, à leur transparence et à la protection des investisseurs. Il contrôle les marchés règlementés et organisés, et depuis la réforme communautaire des marchés d'instruments financiers, même les marchés de gré à gré, construits sur des seuls contrats peuvent être contrôlés par lui, en raison de leur risque systémique. 

Autorité administrative indépendante (AAI), dotée de la personnalité morale et bénéficiant d'un budget autonome, hors du contrôle budgétaire général de l’État et construit sur une taxe à partir des opérations, ce régulateur financier dispose d'un pouvoir réglementaire résiduel, d'un pouvoir de sanction et d'un pouvoir de composition administrative. Pour respecter le principe d'impartialité de la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme (CEDH) au regard de laquelle le régulateur est assimilé à un tribunal, le pouvoir de sanction est exercé au sein de l'autorité par une Commission de sanction. Celle-ci est autonome du collège de l'Autorité, gouverné par le président.

Pour rendre des comptes, le régulateur remet un rapport annuel au Gouvernement et au Parlement. L’AMF participe à la régulation européenne et internationale et appartient au pôle de compétence de l'Autorité de Contrôle Prudentiel et de Résolution (ACPR).

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

Control is a concept so central in Regulation that, in the difficult exercise of translation, the English term of "Regulation" or the expression "Regulatory system" are often translated, for example in French,, by the French word "control" (contrôle). Indeed, the Regulator controls the sector for which he  is responsible. This control is carried out ex ante by the adoption of standards of behavior, whether the Regulator prohibits behavior or obliges the operators to do so. In addition, the Regulators exercises his control powers through the power to approve companies entering the sector or the power to certify certain types of products sold on the markets for which he is responsible. In addition, he continuously monitors the sectors for which he is responsible since his function is either to construct them to bring them to maturity or to remain in balance between the principle of competition and another concern, for example to ensure that they do not fall into a systemic crisis.

These ex ante controls radically distinguish the regulatory authority from the competition authority, which intervenes only ex post. Finally, the regulatory authority controls the sector in ex post: in this he works on a temporal continuum, sanctioning the failings he finds on the part of the operators to the prescriptions he has adopted himself. he often has the power to settle disputes if two operators compete in a dispute between them and bring it before him.

This control function specific of the regulatory authority, which it often shares with the traditional administration and which opposes it to the activity of the competition authority and the courts, is made difficult by its possible lack of independence. Indeed, because the Regulator is a State boddy, if the regulator has to control a public operator, it may risk being captured by the government, since the whole organization of the regulatory system must therefore ensure its independence not only statutory but also budgetary in relation to it. This risk of capture is permanent not only because of the government but also because of the sector. Secondly, control can be inefficient if the regulator lacks adequate, reliable and timely information, risk generated by information asymmetry.

To fight against this, according to the childish image of the stick and the carrot, we must at the same time give the regulator powers to extirpate information that the operators do not want to provide, the texts never ceasing to give regulators new powers, such as perquisitions power ou sanction ou settlemeent. Symmetrically, operators are encouraged to provide information to the market and the regulator, for example through leniency programs or the multiplication of information to be inserted in company documents. Finally, there is a difficult balance between the need to combat the capture of the regulator and the need to reduce the asymmetry of information since the best way for the latter to obtain information from the sector is by frequent attendance by operators: , This exchange that they accept very willingly is the open voice to the capture. It is therefore an art for the regulator to keep operators at a distance while obtaining from them information that only untended relationships allow him to obtain.

Moreover, the Compliance Law which is in the process of being put in place is intended to resolve this major difficulty, since the operator becomes the primary agent for the implementation of the Regulation Law, whose aims are internalized in the " crucial " and global operators perator, operator crucial and global, the Regulator ensuring the effective structural change of the operator to realize these goals of this Global Regulation Law.

 

 

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

A public enterprise has long been characterized by the fact that a public person, for example the State or a local public authority, holds the majority of its capital, which is before a formal legal criterion. The  European Union Law, in a more concrete perspective, has apprehended it more directly purely and simply as an enterprise, that is to say, an organization having an economic activity on a market, irrespective of the private or public nature of the capital of the company, a legal instrument by which the undertaking enters into the legal under the "decisive influence" of a public person, not only actively (alliance in bodies or by contracts) but also passive (guarantees, etc.).

Competition law, analyzing people by their activities, could be said to have "killed" the public enterprises by ignoring the particular nature of this public shareholder (the figure of the "shareholder state") since legal reasoning wants to see State only as an ordinary shareholder, where the subject of public law identifies itself as defending the general interest. This banalisation is not definitive: by the nationalization of banks as a remedy to the financial crisis in Great Britain or in the United States, the State again claims that a public company does not have the same purpose as a private company, because the former, like its shareholder, pursues the general interest through its intrinsic mission, while the private company, through its ordinary shareholder, pursues the maximization of profits, mirroring that pursued by the expectation of dividends by the ordinary shareholder.

There is a fundamental ideological rupture between the Regulation exercised by the undertakings themselves, insofar as they are public (and supervised by the supervision of the State), and the Regulation exercised by a Regulator over all companies in the imposed indifference of their shareholders.

This difference continues to be like a wound between the different models of Regulation and more generally between the conceptions of relations and modalities of relations between the State and the market economy.

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

Le Fond Monétaire International (FMI), crée en 1945, a pour fonction historique d’intervenir pour aider les États en cas de crise financière grave. Par la technique de conditionnalité des prêts, le FMI a dépassé ce rôle de prêteur pour devenir une sorte de tuteur et imposer des réformes structurelles, notamment de libéralisation des économies dont les gouvernements lui demandaient une aide financière.

La crise financière de 2008 lui a donné une nouvelle importance car le Fonds apparait aujourd’hui comme le seul organe apte à intervenir en cas de crise financière et économique systémique mondiale, puisqu’il est le seul organe mondial. En cela il aurait vocation à être le nouveau et pour le moment seul régulateur économique et financier mondial. Reste à ce qu’il en ait les moyens financiers et à ce que les États acceptent cette dépossession de souveraineté.

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

The environment expresses the concern that man has henceforth of nature, either in itself, or because in destroying it he destroys himself. The interests are thus crossed and cumulated: nature is protected in itself, for him and for the generations to come.

A branch of law was born, "Environmental Law", of which it can not be said whether it belongs to public or private law. It was until recently conceived as an administrative police, based on declarations, authorizations, classifications of the activities generating pollution, and organization of the treatment of waste. We are in the process of switching to environmental regulation, as shown by the new texts of European law, designed by the European Commission that link energy regulation and environmental regulation.

In the long term, it is a question of planning and organizing a healthy environment, thanks to renewable energies, not so much on the basis of constraints or one-off interventions but rather on the basis of incentives and market mechanisms such as CO2 quotas (allocation of quotas to companies by the state and then emergence of prices by meeting the supply and demand thanks to the market), this construction of long-term equilibria on and from the market being itself the sign of regulation.

The "environmental concern" has also been established with financial regulation, in two ways. In the first place, financial techniques are a means of developing tools for the environment, as are the CO2 markets, but also the specific obligations of what would be an environmental compliance for listed companies. Financial regulators of new missions. In the second place, environmental issues are themselves financialized, as if they identify new risks and reveal new uncertainties: as such, the Banking and Financial Regulators appreciate them.

 

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

In the continental tradition, particularly in France and Germany, the general interest is served by the State. In the more liberal British and American tradition, the general interest is merely the addition of individual interests, the market being thus able to serve the latter. This assertion, which is essential for the way competition law and the public service are articulated, is questioned in continental culture, particularly in France.

In this historical, philosophical and cultural context, Regulation can have the function of balancing the principle of competition which would be limited to the particular interests of those who have the ability to be market players on account of their solvency and knowledge , and the general interest that cares and the interest of the weak (in money, knowledge, technical skills) and the interest of the social group in the long term.

This general interest has long been expressed through the French notion of public service. It was still reflected in the theory of Regulation when it is the policy that imposes that competition should give way to a consideration that is contrary to it, for example access to a common good such as health or education.


Today, by the concepts of Compliance and, adjacent to it, Corporate Social Responsibility, it is possible that the general interest is the notion on which "public interest entities" can find themselves, in order to serve a Interest that goes beyond the people who compose, direct and serve these entities, whether public (state) or private (large international groups, crucial operators).

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

The market is the place, physical or virtual, where the supply and the demand meet, allowing the emergence of exact prices. For this, it is governed by the principle of free competition. The market is thus the alpha and the omega of competition law, since the competition authority must determine the relevant market, in particular to penalize anti-competitive practices, and has the function of repairing the damage done to the market.

Regulation does not make the same place on the market except where the regulatory apparatus is temporary and its purpose is to build a competitive market. Its reference is more that of a sector, a wider space than that of the market. However, the finesse of regulatory techniques and the proximity of competition law and regulation law have led to the maturity of regulation of telecommunications to distinguish ex ante a series of markets.

In the same way in finance one distinguishes the regulated markets and those organized by mutual agreement which are not subjected to the same rules. However, regulation tends to encompass the different markets, different horizontally or vertically (upstream market and downstream market) in the same perspective and in correlated rules to ensure the general equilibrium of the sector since precisely, There is no such economic law of competition that would spontaneously give rise to such a balance.

There is much debate as to whether the market is a fact, a historical and geographical construction situated, or even a political idea or an philosophy or ideology claiming to be the first. The "regulation" is then colored in counterpoint: thus, the "regulation of the globalization" refers to the political idea of fight against the "all-market".

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

Dans un marché concurrentiel, l’information circule spontanément par les prix qui sont communiqués par les vendeurs sur les biens qu’ils offrent, les demandeurs se renseignant sur la qualité des produits. Certes il peut arriver qu’il y ait conjoncturellement une défaillance par un comportement d’entente ou d’abus de position dominante qui perturbe la pertinence de ces informations, ce que l’autorité de concurrence sanctionnera et rectifiera ex post. Mais les marchés peuvent être atteints de défaillance structurelle de marché. Il en est notamment ainsi lorsqu’il y a une asymétrie d’information. Dans un tel cas, la régulation et son chef d’orchestre permanent qu'est le régulateur, va capter l’information et la faire circuler.

L’information est cruciale, particulièrement sur les marchés financiers car les instruments financiers sont eux-mêmes des informations sur la valeur économique des sociétés qui les émettent. Le régulateur doit veiller non seulement à ce que cette information soit exactement communiquée au marché, mais encore à ce qu’elle soit partagée entre tous les acteurs du marché. C’est pourquoi tous les systèmes de régulation financière prévoient la sanction du manquement d’initié, par lequel le titulaire d’une information qu’il ne partage pas avec les autres (information privilégiée) l’utilise pour se procurer sur le marché un avantage que les autres n’obtiennent pas.

Les textes sur les abus de marché, sur les manquements ou délits d’initié ou sur les diffusions de fausses informations sur les marchés financiers sont de plus en plus sévères car, dans une économie de la connaissance, l’information est le matériau de la confiance dans l’industrie financière et dans les banques et garantit le dynamisme du système. Cela justifie que certains sont allés jusqu’à y voir un bien commun, c'est-à-dire une valeur à laquelle chacun peut avoir accès. Le mouvement est encore plus puissant en matière de santé puisque l’information sur les produits et les actes de santé est aujourd’hui un bien global en raison même des dangers de cette activité médicale bienfaitrice et régulée.

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

Professions play a key role in self-regulatory systems, especially the liberal professions, as soon as they are respected by companies and professionals. Professions are increasingly institutionalized, either by orders or by professions, which form networks or international associations.

In this way, unlike the States, which are challenged by their borders, the professions are adapted to globalization because they develop global associations that adopt common technical standards and ethical charters of behavior.

The other side of the coin is probably procedural, in the transparency of procedures and sanctions, since professional organizations take responsibility for sanctioning their own members themselves, exposing them to capture or even pushing them to conflict of interest. Professions such as banking and finance must now demonstrate that they can create the confidence they need and fuel their industry.

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

L’article 6 de la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme (CEDH) pose que toute personne a droit à un tribunal impartial.

Dans la mesure où le régulateur est en France le plus souvent une Autorité administration indépendante (AAI ) et que celle ci est assimilée à un tribunal, le régulateur est astreint à respecter à la CEDH. Cela participe de juridictionnalisation de la régulation.

Ainsi, lorsqu’il y a procédure de sanction ou règlement des différents c’est un véritable procès qui s’instaure, et les entreprises, aidées de leurs avocats, doivent bénéficier de l’accès au dossier, du principe du contradictoire, des droits de la défense, du droit de participer  au débat à l’audience. Dans ces garanties fondamentales de procédure figurent également l’obligation pour le régulateur de motiver ses décisions, ce qui facilite le contrôle qu’exerce sur lui les juridictions de recours, et de créer par accumulation des décisions une sorte de jurisprudence des régulateurs eux-mêmes.

Ainsi, les droits de l’homme par la procédure ont pénétré dans les Autorités de régulation. Cela renvoie à un des enjeux qui se met en place, à savoir l’équilibre qui doit s’établir entre les lois du marché et les prérogatives non économiques des individus.

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

The procedural safeguards enjoyed by a person whose situation may be affected by a future judgment are principally the right to bring proceedings before the court, the rights of the defense and the benefit of the contradictory principle.

The legal action was for a long time considered as a "power", that is to say, a mechanism inserted in the organization of the judicial institution, since it was by this act of seizure, access by which the person enters the judicial machine, through the latter starts up.

But in particular since the work of René Cassin and Henri Motulsky, legal proceedings are considered as a subjective right, that is to say, a prerogative of any person to ask a judge to rule on the claim that the plaintiff articulates in an allegation, that is a story mixing the fact and the law in a building and on which he asks the judge to give an answer, such as the cancellation of an acte, or the award of damages, or the refusal to convict him (because the defense is also the exercise of this right of action).

The legal action is now recognized as a "right of action", the nature of which is independent of the application made to the court, a subjective procedural right which doubles the substantive subjective right (eg the right to reparation) and ensures the effectiveness of the latter but which is autonomous of it. This autonomy and this uniqueness in contrast with the variety of the sort of disputes (civil, criminal or administrative) makes the right of action a pillar of the "Procedural Law" on which a part of European and Constitutional Law are built. In fact, Constitutional Law in Europe is essentially constituted by procedural principles (rights of defense, impartiality, right of action), since the principle of non bis in idem is only an expression of the right of action. Non bis in idem is a prohibition of double judgment for the same fact which does not prohibit a double trigger of the action (and criminal, civil and administrative). This unified due process of Law has helped to diminish the once radical separation between criminal law, administrative law and even civil law, which are clearly separated from one another in the traditional construction of legal systems and which converge in the regulatory law.

Moreover, the subjective right of action is a human right and one of the most important. Indeed, it is "the right to the judge" because by its exercise the person obliges a judge to answer him, that is to say to listen to his claim (the contradictory resulting therefore from the exercise of the right of action ).


Thus the right of action appears to be the property of the person, of the litigant, of the "party". This is why the attribution by the law of the power for the Regulators to seize itself, which is understood by reason of the efficiency of the process, poses difficulty from the moment that this constitutes the regulatory body in "judge and party", since the Regulator is in criminal matters regarded as a court, and that the cumulation of the qualification of court and of the quality of party is a consubstantial infringement of the principle of impartiality.

There is a classical distinction between public action, which is carried out by the public prosecutor, by which the public prosecutor calls for protection of the general interest and private action by a person or an enterprise, which seeks to satisfy its legitimate private interest. The existence of this legitimate interest is sufficient for the person to exercise his or her procedural right of action.

In the first place, the person could not claim the general interest because he or she was not an agent of the State and organizations such as associations or other non-governmental organizations pursued a collective interest, which could not be confused with the general interest. This procedural principle according to which "no one pleads by prosecutor" is today outdated. Indeed, and for the sake of efficiency, Law admits that persons act in order that the rule of law may apply to subjects who, without such action, would not be accountable. By this procedural use of the theory of incentives, because the one who acts is rewarded while and because he or she serves the general interest, concretizing the rule of law and contributing to produce a disciplinary effect on a sector and powerful operators, procedural law is transformed by the economic analysis of the law. The US mechanism of the class action was imported into France by a recent law of 2014 on "group action" (rather restrictive) but this "collective action" , on the Canadian model, continues not to be accepted in the European Union , Even if the European Commission is working to promote the mechanisms of private enforcement, participating in the same idea.

Secondly, it may happen that the law requires the person not only must have a "legitimate interest in acting" but also must have a special quality to act. This is particularly true of the various corporate officers within the operators. For the sake of efficiency, the legal system tends to distribute new "qualities to act" even though there is not necessarily an interest, for example in the new system of whistleblowers, which can act even there is no apparent interest.

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

The insurance sector has always been regulated in that it presents a very high systemic risk, since the economic operators' strength is required for the operation of the sector and the bankruptcy of one of them may weaken or even collapse all. In addition, insurance is the sector in which moral hazard is the highest, since the insured will tend to minimize the risks to which he is exposed in order to pay the lowest premium possible, even though ehe company is engaged to cover an accident whose size can not be measured in advance. Thus, the science of insurance is above all that of probabilities.

The recent challenge of regulating insurance, both institutional, the construction and the powers of the regulator of the sector, and also functional, namely the relations that it must have with the other bodies and institutions, lies mainly in the relationship between the insurance regulator and the bank regulator, which refers to the concept of "interregulation." If the formal criteria are followed, the two sectors are distinct and the regulators must be similarly separated. There was the case in France before 2010. En 2010, considering activities, sensitive to the fact that insurance products, for example life insurance contracts, are mostly financial products, and moreover, through the notion of "bank-insurance", the same companies engage in both economic activities, the solution of an unique body has been chosen.

A part from the fact that in Competition Law companies are defined by market activity, the main consideration is that the risk of contamination and spread is common between insurance sector and banking sector. For this reason, the French  Ordinance of 21 January 2010 created the Autorité de Contrôle Prudentiel -ACP (French Prudential Supervisory Authority), which covers both insurance companies and banks, since their soundness must be subject to similar requirements and to an organization common. The law of July 2013 entrusted this Authority with the task of organizing the restructuring of these enterprises, thus becoming the Autorité de Contrôle Prudentiel et de Résolution - ACPR  (French Prudential Control and Resolution Authority).

However, the substantive rules are not unified, on the one hand because the insurers are not in favor of such assimilation with banks, secondly because the texts, essentially the European Directive on the insolvency of insurance companies ("Solvency II") , eemain specific to them, and at a distance from the Basel rules applying to banks, which contradict the institutional rapprochement exposed before. European construction reflects the specificity of the insurance sector, the Regulation of 23 November 2010 establishing EIOPA, which is a European quasi-regulator for pension funds, including insurance companies.

The current issue of insurance regulatory system is precisely the European construction. While the Banking Union, the Europe of banking regulation, is being built, the Europe of Insurance Regulation is not being built. Already because, rightly, it does not want to merge into the banking Europe, negotiations of the texts of "Solvency II" stumbling on this question of principle. We find this first truth: in practice, it is the definitions that count. Here: Can an insurance company define itself as a bank like any other?

L'enjeu actuel de la Régulation assurantielle est précisément la construction européenne. Tandis que par l’Union bancaire, l’Europe de la régulation bancaire se construit, l’Europe de la Régulation assurantielle ne se construit. Déjà parce que, à juste titre, elle ne veut pas se fondre dans l’Europe bancaire, les négociations des textes de « Solvabilité II » achoppant sur cette question de principe. L’on retrouve cette vérité première : en pratique, ce sont les définitions qui compte. Ici : une compagnie d’assurance peut-elle se définir comme une banque comme une autre ?

 

Compliance and Regulation Law bilingual Dictionnary

Self-regulation refers to a system capable of defining its equilibrium by its own forces or, if there is a dysfunction in it, to restore them equally by its own forces. Self-regulation refers to a system capable of defining its equilibrium by its own forces or, if there is a dysfunction in it, to restore them equally by its own forces. Thus, the competitive market for ordinary goods and services is self-regulated. Indeed, since there are no barriers to entry and there is information on products and prices, coupled with mobility of atomized consumers, consumers permanently make functioning competition between offers, this elaborating the right price. If an agent fixes an abusive high price, a third party outside the market will enter it to offer consumers a lower price, the new entrant coveting that rent, and consumers, by nature unfaithful, thus changing supplier.  Essential is therefore free trade, the absence of a barrier to entry and the absence of eviction from one undertaking to another, eviction being the most serious anticompetitive practice. Thus, competition law is based on the premise of a self-regulated market. In these circumstances, it is only on a case-by-case basis that anti-competitive conducts, agreements and abuses of dominant position can be found. They are then sanctioned ex post by the competition authority which, by appropriate sanctions, somehow "repairs" the market.

The Regulation is based on an inverse postulate, since it postulates that the market in question has not had the strength to create or maintain its own equilibrium, either because liberalization is too recent or because it there is definitely an economically natural monopoly, either because there is an asymmetry of information, etc. Therefore, there can never be self-regulation. The border between competition and Regulation can not be simpler and need to be more clearly defined. It is true that competition authorities have sought to promote the notion of "competitive Regulation" and that the French law of 4 August 2008 sur la modernisation de l'économie (LME)  (on the modernization of the economy) adopted this vocabulary, in particular in the Ordinance of 13 November 2008 came to apply it expressly by modernizing the "regulation of competition". In France, the Competition Authority has become accustomed to labeling its annual report "Regulation", which expresses the claim of this body to practice what it calls "horizontal regulation", intervening directly in the organization of the structures and behaviors. We then leave the traditional and American notion of Regulation as a mark of liberalism, intervening only in the event of structural market failure, to return to the traditional French tendency to the administered economy. The doubt stems from the fact that no structural failure justifies such a general state control over ordinary markets.
 
It can also be argued that Regulation can be done in a way other than through the adjustment of interests between the bidders and the applicants, not in an exogenous way, in particular by injonctions of public regulator but by the endogenous prescriptions of the actors, for example via "codes of conduct" or "ethical charters". We must then distinguish a moral conception of self-regulation from a sociological conception of self-regulation. The moral conception aims at the idea that operators of the same sector have internalized norms of behaviors that are not natural, but that have been inculcated by impregnation, by moral sense, through ethics. Professional ethics therefore emphasizes professions, in particular the liberal professions, in that they are able to distance themselves from market values, essentially money, in order to prefer moral values ​​to them, essentially the protection of the weak persons, or the protection of the environment, or the concern for future generations. The competition authorities reject the relevance of this ethical self-regulation, which is claimed by professionals such as lawyers and doctors. The European Commission in particular tends to subject them to the ordinary law of companies in a competitive market for the right or the health service. In the same way, banks are treated in European law as "ordinary" firms and not as operators in charge of a public service (financing the economy, caring about social inclusion), still less expressing a specific professional morality.

Today we live at the same time a certain despair in front of the pretension of the self-regulation ethics, because the banks pretended to do it and the information brought by the financial crisis lead to take some distance in relation to this moral discourse, while that at the same time we are called to a renewal of this moral sense in business and in capitalism. Social responsibility can constitute this renewal.

Finally, self-regulation can be sociological when a sector is composed of people who know each other, whether they work in companies, in the administration or in the regulatory body. The case is all the more widespread because it corresponds to the organization of the network society. This is actually a self-regulation by club effect. The danger of this self-regulation is no longer at the risk of a moralizing discourse that is more a matter of marketing, but of an almost unconscious compromise of the regulator, thus captured by habit or friendship. The regulatory system must also seek to break this self-regulation, which is dangerous for the impartiality of the regulator.